Captivity in the Age of Disinformation: Propaganda Disguised as Victimhood

The sudden reappearance of Mira Jalal Thabat, after several days of being missing, brought the term "captivity" back to the center of public discourse in Syria. Her return, marked by a tense demeanor and unfamiliar religious attire, set the stage for a flood of conflicting claims across social media. The absence of her own personal account in the early hours of her reappearance allowed the narrative to spiral out of control, turning her story into more than just an individual tragedy. It became a symbolic tool, injected into a polarized social climate, invoking the history of extremist groups to fuel fear and division.  

What gave this story further momentum was not only Mira’s fate but the reemergence of the term "captivity" as a propaganda tool, used not just to describe an incident, but to paint the transitional authority as an extension of extremist ideologies. This strategic revival of a deeply embedded religious and historical symbol was designed to manipulate public perception in a time of political uncertainty.

The Return of "Captivity" After Assad’s Fall 

In late 2024, as Syria’s transitional authority began to take shape, actors loyal to the ousted regime, as well as others opposed to the new leadership, adopted and used the term "captivity" as a psychological weapon. Rumors spread about the existence of "slave markets" in Idlib, accompanied by claims of kidnapped Alawite women.  

 

In March 2025, Ronahi TV aired a report promoting unverified allegations of such markets, comparing the alleged practices to those of ISIS against Yazidi women. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights debunked the story, citing a total lack of evidence and warning that such claims were part of a disinformation campaign designed to inflame sectarian fears.  

In one of the incidents, Raneem Zarifa was allegedly abducted and subjected to captivity by members of the armed opposition. News pages and activists circulated these claims as supposed evidence that the opposition was replicating ISIS-like behaviour.

The posts were accompanied by blurry videos and dramatic captions referencing "the tragedy of girls under the current authority." Raneem later appeared in a video statement completely denying the allegations, affirming that she had not been harmed and that the entire story was fabricated. Despite this, the original version of the story continued to circulate, having already fulfilled its propaganda function, triggering shock, planting doubt, and reinforcing pre-existing stereotypes about the opposition.  

This incident highlights how the term 'captivity' is now weaponized as a tool of psychological warfare. It is no longer used to uncover truth or protect victims, but rather to undermine political change. The term’s religious and historical connotations are intentionally invoked during transitional periods to scare the public away from change, particularly when the opposition includes Islamic-leaning factions or revolutionary movements. 

In the absence of independent investigations and amidst a flood of emotionally charged, unverified content, such disinformation thrives. As a result, the tragedy of captivity has shifted from a documented crime to a manipulated narrative used in the battle for legitimacy and control over Syrian’s collective memory.

Women as Tools in the Smear War 

With polarization intensifying, women became propaganda pawns. The former regime and some anti-Islamist opposition groups used the scare tactic of "captivity" and the narrative of "sexual jihad" to smear the Syrian revolution, often backed by Iranian-aligned media.  

Consider the case of Rawane Qaddah, a 16-year-old girl from the city of Nawa in Daraa, who appeared on Syrian television during the Assad regime’s rule after being kidnapped by members of the Military Security in November 2012. She has since disappeared and appeared on screen like many other detainees forced by the regime to give scripted interviews. However, Rawan’s interview, titled “A Father Sells His Daughter’s Honor,” was different. The now ousted-regime forced her to accuse her father, who had a well-known revolutionary background in the city, of bringing “armed elements” to the house and allowing them to have sexual relations with her under the pretext of “sexual jihad.”

Despite clerics denying such fatwas and investigations like Le Monde's exposing these claims as fabrications, regime supporters continue to circulate them to criminalize opponents both morally and politically.

Historical Victimhood Resurrected

The term "captivity" has long been associated with mass violations against women during periods of conquest and conflict. In Islamic history, the capture of Zaynab bint Ali, the sister of Imam Hussein, stands as one of the most prominent incidents reinforcing this notion as a symbol of defeat. After the Battle of Karbala in 680 AD, Zaynab and the women of the Prophet's household were taken, according to Shiite narratives, from Karbala to Kufa, and then to Damascus. This episode is described as deeply humiliating, with the women paraded before the public without their veils, an act of public humiliation designed to assert authority and crush opposition. Over time, this incident has evolved into a cultural symbol, recounted across generations and often framed in emotional terms of dignity, justice, and violation.

 

This symbolism, however, has not remained confined to rituals or commemorations. It has been politically exploited at various points in history and was reactivated during the contemporary Syrian conflict. Since the war's outset, the slogan "Zainab will not be taken captive twice" has appeared in the rhetoric of Iranian-backed factions and armed groups, referring to the protection of the Sayyida Zainab shrine in Damascus. The slogan, rich with emotional historical significance, was used as a rallying cry to mobilize fighters and legitimize intervention, casting the battle as a continuation of ancient suffering.

However, while emotionally resonant for some, this use quickly transcended its symbolic roots, becoming entangled in political and media polarization. In this context, the concept of "captivity" began to feature prominently in official and pro-Assad regime media, no longer referring to actual events but serving as a tool to sway public opinion and spread fear. Media outlets promoted stories alleging that girls were kidnapped and sold in "slave markets" within opposition-controlled areas, particularly as the regime regained control over large parts of northern Syria. Despite the denials of these claims, they achieved their purpose: reinforcing minority fears and making discussions of rapprochement or political transition harder to accept, as long as the image of the "terrorist opposition" abusing women lingered in the public's mind.

ISIS and the Revival of Captivity as Policy

In 2014, ISIS revived the concept of captivity, turning it from a historical reference into a horrifying reality. The group implemented a systematic policy targeting women from religious minorities in Iraq and Syria, particularly the Yazidis. After its invasion of the Sinjar region, ISIS carried out massacres against men and captured thousands of women and children. The group proudly declared that it was reviving what it considered an ancient "practice" of treating the women of "polytheists" as spoils of war. 

ISIS promoted this practice in its magazine, Dabiq, offering justifications that portrayed captivity as a forgotten obligation in the modern era. According to ISIS, its revival was central to their project of establishing an "authentic Islamic caliphate," completely disregarding international conventions and fundamental human values.

When Someone’s Absence Turns into a Propaganda Incitement

When Mira Jalal Thabat returned home, she did not emerge from a slave market or some mysterious darkness, as rumors suggested. She made a personal decision, left, married, and then returned. But when she spoke, no one listened. Her story was overshadowed by the narrative of kidnapping, sale, and captivity, reinforced by security services allegedly monitoring her after her return. Even when she stated that she had not been forced into anything, the narrative didn’t change.  

Mira's case is not unique; it shows how women’s experiences in conflict zones are often reduced to political symbols rather than humanitarian issues. Allegations of captivity are used not as facts to be verified, but as tools to stir fear or reinforce chaos. In this process, the woman’s own voice is silenced, and her personal story becomes mobilization material—devoid of truth and without room for her to explain herself. Instead, she is reduced to a headline in a political battle that no longer concerns her.

Silent Absence: When Women and the Proliferation of Narratives  

Since Dec 2024, the number of missing women has significantly increased, sparking concern across social and media platforms. In the Tartous countryside, a video from the village of Beit Shanta showed a woman pleading for information about her three children, Hamza, Lubna, and Lana Hamoud, who had been missing since March 23. The disappearance of Batoul Arif Hassan from Safita also generated controversy after her brother reported strong contact with her on April 13. Her presence in Raqqa Governorate was widely discussed on social media, but there was no official confirmation.  

Among these cases was the kidnapping of Dr. Rasha Nasser al-Ali, an Arabic literature professor at the University of Homs and a member of the Arab Writers Union, on January 20, 2025, while traveling to Malhaza. The incident sparked widespread outrage in cultural and academic circles, especially after rumors circulated that her mutilated body had been found. The authorities denied these reports and blocked any investigations.

On the other hand, some accounts have emerged denying reports of kidnappings and enslavement. Several individuals feared to have been abducted have appeared on official media, confirming they left their homes voluntarily. One such case is that of Aya Talal Qasim, whose videos showing her speaking to her family on the phone initially raised suspicions of abduction. Later, authorities stated that Aya had traveled to Aleppo to work in a sewing workshop, where she was allegedly beaten and forced to work, claiming the videos promoting her abduction were fabricated. Similarly, Sima Hasno, who disappeared from Qardaha, appeared on official media to explain that she had gone to Jaramana to meet her family and had been deceived before returning home.  

These cases are not new to Syria and echo similar incidents during the Assad regime. One such case involved Christina Hassan, a young woman kidnapped from the Safita countryside while traveling to Damascus. The kidnappers demanded a ransom of $60,000 and threatened to kill her and sell her organs. Her family released photos showing her being tortured, sparking widespread outrage and solidarity. In Damascus, calls spread to search for Judy Zaghbi and other individuals who disappeared under mysterious circumstances, with no confirmed information about their fates.

In northeastern Syria, a report by Human Rights Watch, dated October 2, 2024, revealed that seven cases of abduction involving minors aged 12 to 17 were carried out by the "Revolutionary Youth Movement," linked to the Syrian Democratic Forces. These abductions aimed to recruit the minors into military training camps, without the knowledge or consent of their families. 

In Syria, the reasons behind women's disappearances are diverse, ranging from family disputes and social pressures to abductions for ransom or human trafficking. There have also been instances of enforced disappearances by the Assad regime since the onset of the Syrian revolution, with a total of 8,979 cases, according to the latest report from the Syrian Network for Human Rights. Among these are cases that have garnered widespread sympathy due to their unresolved fates, such as that of Dr. Rania Al-Abbasi, who was forcibly disappeared with her six children—a more complex case than narratives that reduce the issue to terms like "captivity." Human rights organizations, including "Syrians for Truth and Justice," have documented instances of women and children being abducted in southern Syria, with some released for ransom, while others’ fates remain unknown. Additionally, the United Nations Population Fund reported a rise in human trafficking, particularly the sexual exploitation and forced labor of women and girls in Syria. This highlights a broader network of factors surrounding the issue, emphasizing the need for a nuanced social and economic analysis, rather than relying on propaganda or fragmented religious concepts.